The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Punjab is undergoing a significant political transformation, one that signals a clear departure from its earlier reliance on the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD). When Sunil Jakhar, the BJP's Punjab chief and a former Congress leader, suggested reviving the alliance with SAD, the proposal sparked discomfort rather than enthusiasm among BJP veterans and ideologues in the state. Jakhar had presented the idea as a step towards preserving communal harmony, but many within the party viewed it as a regression into a political arrangement that had historically constrained the BJP's ambitions and identity in Punjab.
The BJP, under its current leadership, is determined to break free from the shadow of the Akali Dal. This sentiment was evident in the appointment of Ashwani Sharma as the party’s working president in Punjab, marking a return to a more ideologically aligned leadership after the perceived failure of Jakhar’s tenure. Party insiders argue that Jakhar, despite his political experience, was unable to grasp the ethos of the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). His approach, rooted in the broad coalition politics of the Congress, did not resonate with the BJP cadre, many of whom had long chafed under the Akali-dominated alliance. For them, Sharma's reinstatement is a correction of a past misstep—a signal that the party is realigning with its core values and grassroots base.
Historically, the BJP functioned as a junior partner to SAD, limited mostly to urban constituencies, while SAD dominated the rural and religious discourse. This imbalance created friction and restricted the BJP's ideological and political growth in the state. The end of the alliance in 2020, following the fallout over the contentious farm laws, was viewed by many within the BJP as a long-overdue liberation. It allowed the party to reimagine its role in Punjab politics—not as a side player, but as a principal force capable of engaging with Sikh voters directly, without filtering its message through SAD.
Since then, the BJP has made calculated moves to establish its own political identity in Punjab. Although the party did not win any Lok Sabha seats in the 2024 general election, it managed to lead in 23 assembly segments and secure second place in several others, often outperforming SAD in vote share. This performance, achieved without the support of the Akalis, has emboldened the BJP to continue building its own base, especially in areas where SAD has lost credibility. SAD, under Sukhbir Badal, is no longer the formidable force it once was. Its vote share has declined, its leadership is seen as dynastic and disconnected, and it failed to recover from the fallout of the sacrilege incidents and its vacillating stance on farmers’ issues.
Jakhar’s suggestion to renew the alliance is therefore seen by many in the BJP as a backward step—a proposal rooted in nostalgia rather than strategic foresight. His reasoning, based on communal harmony, is being challenged by those within the BJP who believe the party can achieve the same, if not better, results through direct engagement with the Sikh community. In fact, the BJP has been actively working to build these bridges. Through sustained outreach led by the RSS, the party has initiated dialogues with Sikh scholars, religious leaders, and social influencers. This outreach has created alternative spaces for Sikh representation that are both nationalistic and devout, without relying on SAD as the intermediary.
The BJP's evolving approach has also involved calculated political gestures, such as supporting actor-singer Diljit Dosanjh in a controversy that could have otherwise been used by radical groups to target the party. This move signaled a shift towards a more nuanced, less confrontational stance that acknowledges Sikh sentiments while staying true to the BJP’s broader ideological framework.
Internally, BJP leaders are now focused on building a sustainable political architecture tailored to Punjab’s complex social fabric. This includes recalibrating caste dynamics, reaching out to backward classes, ex-servicemen, and traders, and carving out inroads in regions like Majha and Doaba where traditional alliances have weakened. In urban areas of Malwa, the BJP is tapping into the disillusionment with both the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and SAD to present itself as a credible alternative.
This new political strategy is rooted in the belief that the BJP can—and should—speak directly to Sikh voters, not through outdated alliances but through consistent engagement and ideological clarity. Senior leaders from the Vajpayee era, many of whom felt stifled during the days of the Akali alliance, are now advocating for a long-term vision that seeks to establish the BJP as an independent force in Punjab. For them, the resurgence of the BJP in the state is not just about electoral victories but about forging a political identity that speaks to both religious and developmental aspirations of the people.
In light of this, Jakhar’s push for reconciliation with SAD appears increasingly out of sync with the party’s current trajectory. His call, though well-intentioned, is viewed as a short-term electoral calculation rather than a sustainable strategy. BJP leaders, while refraining from public confrontation, are firm in their belief that the future lies not in rekindling old, imbalanced alliances but in cultivating new relationships and building trust, one village and one community at a time.
