Will Tamil Nadu enter a new period of coalitions as the appetite for power-sharing declines


The rising chorus for coalition governance in Tamil Nadu marks a potential turning point in the state’s deeply centralized political tradition. For decades, Tamil Nadu politics has revolved around dominant, charismatic leaders at the helm of the two main Dravidian parties — the DMK and AIADMK — while their allies remained peripheral in actual governance. But that equation is now facing unprecedented pressure.

The demand, encapsulated in the phrase “a share in governance, a share in authority,” is being pushed forcefully not just by long-standing allies like VCK and Congress, but also by relatively more assertive players like PMK, DMDK, and BJP. What makes this significant is not just the timing — ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections — but the cross-coalition nature of the demand.

What's Driving the Shift?

  1. Eroding Dominance of Major Parties:
    Both the DMK and AIADMK increasingly rely on coalition arithmetic to secure victories. The idea that either can win without allies is no longer a given, as Congress leader Trichy Velusamy bluntly pointed out by reminding DMK of its 1991 debacle (1 seat).

  2. Assertive Smaller Parties:
    Allies are no longer content with symbolic partnership. They now want ministerial portfolios, administrative control, and visibility — not just electoral seat adjustments. The VCK, under Thol. Thirumavalavan, has framed this demand as an ideological push for inclusive governance.

  3. Rise of TVK and New Political Narratives:
    Actor Vijay's political entry via Thamizhaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK) and his promise of participatory governance is reshaping the conversation. His message — that allies will receive power, not just positions — is appealing to smaller parties tired of the status quo.

  4. The BJP Factor:
    The BJP, though electorally weaker in Tamil Nadu, brings national weight and a clear agenda. Amit Shah's open support for coalition governance, coupled with Annamalai’s assertive leadership style, has destabilized the AIADMK’s control narrative within the NDA front. The Edappadi K. Palaniswami camp is walking a tightrope: it can’t alienate allies, but it fears losing control if too much ground is ceded.

Why Is This Politically and Culturally Significant?

Tamil Nadu’s political culture has been historically personality-driven, with leaders like MGR, Jayalalithaa, Karunanidhi, and now Stalin occupying near-iconic status. Power-sharing has often been viewed as a dilution of that leadership aura. The new discourse requires structural adjustment — moving from hero-centric politics to a more institutionalized coalition model.

But as analysts point out, the changing electoral landscape — with fractured vote shares, more competitive multi-party contests, and rising aspirations among historically marginalized groups — is pushing both fronts toward greater inclusivity.

DMK vs AIADMK: Who Is Better Positioned?

  • DMK seems more cohesive and electorally stable. Its alliance is largely intact, and its welfare politics continues to resonate. While it hasn’t formally endorsed coalition governance, VCK and Congress remain crucial voices within the fold, and their demands are becoming harder to ignore.

  • AIADMK, meanwhile, is under internal pressure. The BJP wants more power; the PMK is vocal; and the party leadership is reluctant to surrender control. The contradiction is stark: they need their allies to win, but fear being eclipsed if they share real power.

What Lies Ahead?

The demand for coalition governance is no longer rhetorical. It is fast becoming a political expectation. The next few months will reveal whether:

  • It is used as a tactical bargaining chip to negotiate better seat deals,

  • Or it signals a fundamental shift in how power is distributed and exercised in Tamil Nadu.

One thing is certain: the monopoly of major Dravidian parties over governance is under serious challenge. And Tamil Nadu, once the pioneer of India’s first post-independence coalition government in 1952, might once again become the laboratory for a new power-sharing political era.


 

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