China is the new culprit in Trump's most recent tariff post, but India is spared


Donald Trump, after months of launching scathing attacks on India for purchasing Russian oil and for refusing to bend on trade concessions, has now shifted his fury further eastward. In his latest pivot, the former US president has turned his harshest rhetoric toward China, portraying Beijing as the primary enabler of Moscow and demanding crippling tariffs to break what he calls China’s “grip” over Russia. This move marks a dramatic reversal of his earlier strategy, where India was often cast in the same light as Moscow’s top allies, with Washington levying punitive tariffs and branding New Delhi as the “Kremlin’s laundromat.” Now, however, Trump appears to be sparing India—at least temporarily—recognising the risks of alienating New Delhi and pushing it closer to Beijing and Moscow at a time when Washington needs India as a counterweight in Asia.

In a fiery letter and a Truth Social post, Trump demanded that NATO allies unite and stop purchasing Russian oil, accusing them of undermining their own bargaining position with Moscow. He declared that he was ready to impose “major sanctions” on Russia but insisted that action must be collective, with all NATO members on board. His message was blunt: NATO’s resolve has been “far less than 100 per cent,” and so long as Russian oil flows into Europe, attempts to isolate Moscow will fail. While his readiness to sanction Russia sounded uncompromising, Trump ultimately placed the responsibility for escalation squarely on the shoulders of America’s allies, telling them he was “ready to go” once they agreed to align.

The sharpest sting in his declaration, however, was directed at China. Trump demanded that NATO nations impose tariffs ranging from 50 to 100 percent on Chinese goods, to be lifted only once the war in Ukraine is resolved. By framing these tariffs as a tool not only to weaken Beijing economically but also to erode China’s influence over Russia, Trump sought to cast Beijing as the linchpin of Moscow’s resilience. The tone was far more aggressive than before, when China had faced tariffs of only 30 per cent while India was penalised with duties as high as 50 per cent. The shift signals Washington’s recalibration, sparing India from its earlier barrage of criticism and instead amplifying the pressure on Beijing.

China, for its part, responded with a sharp rebuke. Hours after Trump’s tirade, Beijing declared that it “neither plots nor participates in wars,” a thinly veiled attack on Washington’s posture as the world’s self-styled enforcer. At the same time, the US has been lobbying G7 nations, most of whom are also NATO members, to follow its lead and impose tariffs not only on Russia but also on Moscow’s oil partners—including India and China. Yet the Biden administration’s strategy of lumping New Delhi with Beijing has proven counterproductive, sparking resentment in India and forcing Washington to reconsider.

The strain in India-US ties had been escalating for weeks. Trump aides had deployed some of the harshest rhetoric seen in decades, dismissing the Ukraine conflict as “Modi’s war” and accusing Indian elites of profiteering. Trump himself grumbled that the US had “lost” India to “the darkest China” after images from the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit showed Prime Minister Narendra Modi sharing candid moments with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin. The optics of Modi walking hand-in-hand with Putin, exchanging smiles with Xi, and appearing comfortable in a trilateral embrace unsettled Washington deeply. For a US administration counting on India as a democratic counterweight to China, the imagery symbolised a dangerous drift.

Despite relentless criticism, India refused to budge. New Delhi made clear that its agricultural and dairy sectors would not be opened to US imports, warning that such moves would devastate millions of farmers. Trump’s retaliatory 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, combined with an additional 25 per cent penalty linked to Russian oil imports, brought trade talks to a standstill. Yet, far from softening its position, the Indian government held firm, signalling that no amount of pressure would force it to compromise on its red lines. The standoff highlighted Washington’s limited leverage over New Delhi and exposed the risks of pushing India too hard.

Faced with this reality, the Trump administration abruptly softened its tone. Trump praised Modi as a “great Prime Minister” and a “dear friend,” and Modi reciprocated by describing the US as a “natural partner” with “limitless potential” for cooperation. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent echoed the shift, moving from critic to conciliator, declaring confidently that “two great countries will get this solved.” His comments contrasted sharply with those of trade advisor Peter Navarro, whose continued barbs against India—including caste-laden slurs—now sound increasingly out of step with the new strategy.

The reasons behind this recalibration are both strategic and political. Domestically, Trump has been battered by critics who accused him of squandering two decades of hard-earned ties with India. Alienating Indian-Americans, a growing electoral bloc warming to his candidacy, also carries risks. Internationally, the prospect of India drifting into a strategic alignment with both Russia and China is a nightmare Washington cannot afford. The SCO summit only reinforced this danger, making it clear that India has options beyond the West, and that it is prepared to use them if cornered.

By shifting the crosshairs onto Beijing, Trump has acknowledged these realities. China, with its massive $7.2 billion worth of Russian energy imports in July and its visible influence over Moscow, presents a more convincing target than India, whose $3.6 billion imports pale in comparison. The tough rhetoric on China, paired with a softer line toward India, represents a US strategy in transition—one that accepts New Delhi’s leverage and recognises that pushing too hard risks losing it altogether.

For now, Trump insists he is ready to devastate Russia’s finances, but only when NATO unites. More revealing, however, is his demand that China face tariffs of up to 100 per cent. In Trump’s calculus, sparing India and striking hard at Beijing may be the only way to weaken Moscow, break China’s grip, and prevent America’s worst fear: a united Russia-China-India front that reshapes global power away from the West.


 

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