Pakistan is in the midst of what many are calling its fourth coup — but unlike the coups of Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq, or Pervez Musharraf, this one is not being executed with tanks or midnight takeovers. It is unfolding quietly through legislation, making it the first “constitutional coup” in the country’s history. The architect of this silent power grab is Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, whose proposed 27th Constitutional Amendment, passed by the Senate on Monday, effectively cements military supremacy in Pakistan’s political system.
The amendment restructures Pakistan’s power hierarchy, transferring command of the armed forces, the nuclear arsenal, and even the judiciary under Munir’s control. It dismantles the existing framework of civilian oversight and gives the army chief sweeping powers previously held by the president and the federal cabinet. This marks the most radical reconfiguration of civil-military relations in Pakistan’s history, carried out not through force, but through law.
At the centre of the move is the creation of a new post — Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) — a position designed specifically for Munir. The amendment to Article 243 grants the CDF absolute control over the army, navy, and air force, while abolishing the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC) role entirely. This consolidates all military authority in one office. The amendment also provides lifetime immunity to five-star officers, including Munir, ensuring that they cannot be prosecuted or removed except through a process equivalent to presidential impeachment.
Critics have described the amendment as a death knell for Pakistan’s democracy. Prominent lawyer Makhdoom Ali Khan wrote in Dawn that it “creates a parallel authority insulated from the very rule of law it is sworn to defend.” Former defence secretary Lt Gen Asif Yasin Malik (Retd) called the legislation “tailored for one man,” warning that it could lead to deep rifts within the armed forces. Former minister Shireen Mazari also cautioned that putting an army officer in command of all military branches would “invite institutional imbalance and long-term resentment.”
The amendment also extends military influence into Pakistan’s judiciary. It shifts control over constitutional bench assignments from the chief justices to the Judicial Commission of Pakistan, where judges are now a minority. A new Federal Constitutional Court will take over many powers of the Supreme Court, including constitutional appeals and inter-provincial disputes, effectively reducing the Supreme Court to a secondary appellate body. Judges who resist transfers or promotions to the new court risk being forcibly retired, undermining judicial independence.
Another alarming provision concerns control over Pakistan’s nuclear weapons. The amendment establishes a Commander of the National Strategic Command, a post restricted to army officers, who will oversee all nuclear assets and delivery systems. Analysts warn that this could destabilise Pakistan’s nuclear command structure, as the army would dominate decisions that previously required coordination among all three military branches. Critics fear this concentration of power could lead to dangerous command-and-control delays during crises.
Unlike previous coups, which overthrew governments by force, Munir’s coup operates under the guise of legality. By working with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s administration, the military has managed to institutionalise its dominance without dismantling the democratic façade. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif defended the changes as part of “defence modernisation,” but political observers argue it amounts to the total militarisation of Pakistan’s constitutional order.
The amendment’s passage has sparked protests in several Pakistani cities, though the government has shown little sign of reversing course. For India and the wider region, the development carries serious implications, as Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, defence policies, and internal stability now rest solely in the hands of one military leader. Analysts say this “legalised militarism” erases whatever separation once existed between Pakistan’s state and its army.
With Asim Munir’s lifetime immunity, control over nuclear command, and direct authority over the judiciary, Pakistan’s democracy stands hollowed out from within. While Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf ruled through martial law and emergency decrees, Munir has done what neither could — he has rewritten the Constitution itself to make military rule permanent.
